Political Representation Research Articles

Improving Women’s Representation in Politics through Gender Quotas

Gender quotas for women in local government bodies can improve women’s representation in politics, increase provision of public services, and improve perceptions of women as leaders. Gender quotas are one policy tool designed to increase women’s representation in politics. Women hold fewer than 25 percent of parliamentary seats worldwide, and just 12 percent of the world’s heads of state and government are women. In many countries this imbalance extends to local governments. Countries are taking action In 2013, 118 countries were implementing a form of gender quotas for an elected office. Women's empowerment and their full participation on the basis of equality in all spheres of society, including participation in the decision making process and access to power ,are fund a mental for the achievement to fequality , development and peace. One way to implement gender quotas is by reserving a certain number of leadership positions for women. A review of eleven randomized evaluations in India, Lesotho, and across 28 states in India found that reservation quotas influenced women’s political participation and policy outcomes and increased the provision of public goods aligned with female voters’ preferences. Further, quotas improved men’s perceptions of women as leaders, increased the aspirations of girls, and helped women get elected even after quotas were removed. Most of the rigorous research drawn on in this insight comes from India comparative conclusions should be drawn cautiously. This evidence largely suggests that governments seeking to improve women’s representation in politics should consider reservation quotas for local leadership positions. overview of the three main types of quota policies reserved seats, party quotas, and legislative quotas. These are found in all major world regions in countries with a broad range of institutional, social, economic, and cultural characteristics. At the same time, the mere advent of gender quotas has not resulted in uniform increases in the percentage of women in parliament worldwide some countries have witnessed dramatic increases, while others have seen more modest changes or even setbacks in the number of women elected to national assemblies. Despite the rapid international diffusion of these measures, most research has focused on single countries or, at most, the presence of quotas within one world region. Consequently, explanations for the adoption and impact of gender quotas derived from one study often contradict .

Political competition and representation in municipal councils

ABSTRACT I study whether the numbers of high- and low-social status-individuals in French municipal councils are affected by the level of political competition. I argue that because the most-eligible positions within lists of candidates are obtained by high-social-status persons, political competition increases the number of high-status municipal councilors and is thus detrimental to the election of low-social-status candidates. Using the elections of 2008 and 2014, I provide suggestive evidence that the socioeconomic status of individuals is indeed correlated with their position within lists of candidates. Moreover, I show that the presence of an additional competing list during an election is associated with 0.2 additional high-social-status individuals within the municipal councils. I also observe that those additional municipal councilors are males, which is a result that might have been caused by the gender quota policy implemented in French local elections.

How to study political parties: from civil society to the state and back. The Peter Mair lecture 2023

ABSTRACT Cartel party theory has put the study of party-state relations high on the research agenda, deliberately shifting the focus of researchers away from an understanding of political parties on the basis of their relationship with civil society or, indeed, as part of civil society itself. As fruitful as this reorientation has been, this essay argues that the resulting emphasis on ‘parties as governors’ has produced downsides of its own. Cartel party theory reinforced a separation of the study of parties from the study of other membership organizations considered the very fabric of civil societies. While their governing role makes parties distinct from the latter, I argue that what parties do and how they function should be also assessed against other organizations such as interest groups or associations through which citizens engage in joint activities including but not restricted to political interest representation. The contention is that bringing the study of party back to civil society will generate a broader understanding of the possible roles political parties can (or cannot) play in contemporary democracy than an exclusive study of party as a separate genus.

An Interpretive Case Study of Chinese New Zealanders’ Participation in Non-elected Representation

This paper adopts Michael Saward’s representative claims theory to analyze Chinese New Zealanders’ participation in non-elected representation. It explores how they made representative claims and examines the democratic legitimacy of their claims. Based on an interpretive analysis of in-depth interviews with 38 Chinese New Zealanders, I found age-based and educational-level-based patterns of how they participate in non-elected representation. Individuals and Chinese associations made representative claims based on various grounds. However, the democratic legitimacy of individual-made claims and association-made claims varied. When interviewees made representative claims, they cherished the claims’ instrumental goals and intrinsic values. These findings expand our knowledge of Chinese New Zealanders’ political participation and representation. This paper also analyzes the difference between making representative claims and political advocacy. It deepens our understanding of non-elected representation.

Using cluster analysis to identify communities of interest for purposes of legislative redistricting: A case study of parishes in Louisiana

The use of Geographic Information Systems (GIS) technology has been found to limit the kinds of communities that can in principle achieve political representation through redistricting because the process excludes “communities of interest” (COIs) that cannot be mapped. We argue that these limits can be overcome using empirically based variables to define a COI in conjunction with an empirically based classification system, cluster analysis. Our argument is based on a case study of a legislative redistricting case in which we examined the cultural, economic, demographic, historic, and social characteristics upon which a COI would be defined. We employed an empirically and scientifically based classification system called “cluster analysis” to determine if these two geographically-separated groups of parishes form a single COI, which, in turn, would serve as a justification for them being placed together into reorganized congressional District 5. We find that East Carroll Parish and its six neighboring parishes (Franklin, Madison, Morehouse, Richland, Tensas, and West Carroll) are in a different COI grouping than East Baton Rouge Parish. Moreover, from the COI perspective, East Baton Rouge Parish should not be included in proposed plans involving a proposed RCD5 that include East Carroll Parish and its six neighboring parishes. This finding also applies to Lafayette Parish, both in whole and in part. This finding is not only relevant because COIs are important in redistricting, but it demonstrates that the limits identified in regard to the use of GIS-based technology in identifying COIs can be surmounted.

For a Justice-to-Come: Milo Rau’s Utopian Realism

One of the most prolific political theatre makers in Europe today, Milo Rau is known for his commitment to a realist art of possibility—a “Möglichkeitsrealismus,” as he defines it, devoted to opening space for envisioning possible alternatives to the status quo. Drawing on Ernst Bloch’s writings on utopia, this article argues for an understanding of Rau’s artistic practice as a kind of “concrete utopianism” that materially engages the world so as to imagine—and enact—new possibilities for improvement and transformation. Via a reading of Rau’s Kongo Tribunal (2015), an attempt is made to show how, by staging the tribunal in the here and now of performance, the artist seeks to disclose the real but not yet realized possibilities available in the present, giving form to an alternative institutionality—and an alternative practice of justice—that is made fully graspable in the imagination and in reality. As a material act of imagining otherwise, the Kongo Tribunal refuses the closure of the present, inviting spectators to step back and recognize the institutionalized forms of law and justice not as fixed but variable—and thus (still) open to change.

Laborarte: decolonial pioneering in the maranhense theater

This research aims to investigate the impact of Laborarte on the Brazilian theater, with a focus on its decolonial approach. Its theoretical framework encompasses decolonial theories, political theater, and the Maranhense culture. This study aims to analyze Laborarte’s contribution to deconstructing stereotypes, promoting local culture, and fostering social justice in the Maranhense theater. Its methodology includes an analysis of theatrical texts, interviews, and historical context analysis. Results highlight Laborarte’s pioneering role in theatrical decolonization, influencing subsequent productions to embrace an inclusive and just perspective of the Maranhense reality.

Constitutional Amendment 106 Women Reservation - What can be Learned from 1/3rd PRI Reservation?

Abstract: Attaining gender inclusion and political empowerment is the goal of the historic Constitutional Amendment for Women's Reservation, which calls for a one-third reservation for women in Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs). The dynamics of women's participation in grassroots governance can be better understood by looking at the lessons learned from PRIs' implementation of the 1/3rd reservation. In rural local bodies, like as Panchayats, women were required to occupy one-third of the seats under the 73rd Amendment Act of 1992. In an effort to rectify past gender inequalities, increase women's representation in decision-making bodies, and boost their social and political standing, this proactive policy was put in place. The revolutionary effect on women's political engagement is one important takeaway from the one-third reservation in PRIs. Women were able to take part in local administration through the reserved seats, which helped them develop their leadership abilities and increase their visibility in public service. As a result, women's status in communities was enhanced, and decisionmaking became more inclusive and equal. The importance of prioritizing health, education, and social welfare issues is positively correlated with women's political representation, which is another lesson. To address pressing social issues, women PRI officials frequently fought for policies that would have a direct positive effect on women's and marginalized communities' quality of life. In addition, the 1/3rd reservation effort highlighted the significance of initiatives that strengthen the abilities of female leaders. To help women successfully carry out their responsibilities as leaders, educational and training programs were crucial in providing them with the information and abilities they needed to understand and handle the many facets of government. Even with these good results, there are still problems. In many cases, women are unable to reach their full leadership potential due to cultural biases, patriarchal attitudes, and resistance from established power structures. If we want women to have an impact in politics, we need to break down these entrenched stereotypes and create conditions where they feel comfortable taking an active role

Why do local governments privatize? Political representation and contagion in the privatization of welfare services in Sweden

AbstractPrevious research has highlighted that decentralization is key to understanding the marketization of the Swedish welfare state, while local political factors are important to explaining the subnational differences in actual degrees of welfare service privatization. Other research has highlighted the impact of pragmatism rather than ideology in local government's decisions to outsource welfare services, including policy diffusion through geographical proximity to highly privatized municipalities. However, little research has been done on the role or type of political representation and whether this matters to the diffusion of welfare service privatization. Thus, there is little knowledge about whether local governments are primarily responsive to public preferences, the ideological position of the local government, or influences from neighboring municipalities. Drawing on the literature on political representation and policy diffusion, I test three hypotheses: that the local governments are primarily responsive to public preferences (sanction representation), that local governments are primarily responsive to their own ideological position (gyroscopic representation), or that local governments are primarily influenced by outsourcing in neighboring municipalities (contagion). Using a time‐lagged correlational design with survey data covering both local politicians and ordinary municipal residents, as well as public accounts of municipal outsourcing, I find that public preferences play a negligible role to the privatization process. A minor part of the between‐municipal variation in welfare service privatization can be attributed to the preferences of local politicians (gyroscopic representation), while a more substantial part is due to pressures from outsourcing among municipal neighbors (contagion).

The gatekeeper’s dilemma: Political selection or team effort

Political parties play a crucial gatekeeping role in elections, including controlling electoral resources, candidate recruitment, and electoral list compositions. In making these strategic choices, parties aim to encourage candidates to invest in the campaign, while also trying to secure advantages for their preferred candidates. We study how parties navigate this trade-off using a specific feature of the Norwegian local electoral system in which parties can give advantaged positions to some candidates in an otherwise open list. Our theory reveals that parties’ ex-ante electoral strength impacts their strategic decisions. Notably, the trade-off is weaker for more popular parties, allowing them to facilitate the election of their preferred candidates without compromising the party’s overall performance. We show empirically that the moral hazard concern is real, and that larger parties are indeed more likely to use their power to make some candidates safe. The advantage of large parties extends further: safeguarding specific candidates enables parties to achieve disproportionately favorable outcomes in post-electoral bargaining. These findings reveal new insights for political representations, policy outcomes, and intra-party dynamics more broadly.

Mobilizing middlemen: the Conservative Political Action Conference and the creation of party activists

ABSTRACT How are activists molded into middlemen in a polarized two-party system? Using the case of the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC), this paper examines the process of activist mobilization that occurs at political gatherings. Using two rounds of interviews and participant observation from CPAC in 2019 and 2020, I argue that contrary to popular media portrayals of CPAC as political theater now rooted in the spectacle of President Trump, the conference is an important site of mobilizing activists into party middlemen. This happens through three processes: first conference attendees are taught conservative policy stances and presented with a bundle of issue positions; second, they are provided with the tools for effective activism formally through provided training and informally through socialization; and finally, their conservative identity is continually defined and reinforced with cultural meaning-making practices throughout the conference.

The social and political bases of political economy: interpreting and periodising Italian developments since WWII

ABSTRACT We investigate the transition between Fordism and neoliberalism in Italy employing insights from International (IPE) and Comparative Political Economy (CPE). Transitions are key periods to observe how countries tend to converge towards similar political economy developments through processes of social, political and institutional adaptation. We contribute to the literature by detailing how transformations in the ‘social and political bases of political economy’ influence institutional change. We understand these transformations as movements from below (changes in sociodemographic and productive compositions, and social movements) and above (agency in political parties, trade unions, business associations and elites); we name these components ‘the social and productive composition’ and ‘the social and political representation sphere’ respectively. Employing process tracing, we identify three historical periods in post-WWII Italian political economy – state Fordism (1945–78), a transitional period we name ‘the long 1980s’ (1979–91), and neoliberalism (1992–) – delineated by two historical ruptures: a breakup moment in 1978–9 that signalled the decline of Fordism, and a critical juncture that ushered in neoliberalism in 1992. Analytically, changes within the social and productive composition during state Fordism impacted on the social and political representation sphere, and on several reforms undertaken in different institutional domains. However, since the breakup moment 1978–9 this dynamic changed together with the international political economy context. Similar to other western countries, the main actors within the social and political representation sphere increasingly approached institutional regulation inspired by neoliberal ideas, while the pressures coming from the more active forces within the social and productive composition faltered.

Racial discrimination in post-Apartheid South Africa? The stories of Coloured people in Johannesburg, South Africa

Dominant theoretical conversations on experiences of racial discrimination are focused on how Black and other non-White people perceive and experience racial discrimination in White majority racial systems; however, research is scant on experiences of racial discrimination of racial minorities in Black majority social systems. This paper addresses this lacuna by exploring perceived experiences of racial discrimination of Coloured people in Johannesburg, South Africa, a racial minority in a Black majority country. Fourteen in-depth individual interviews were conducted with participants. Analysis of the interviews resulted in many interviewees claiming race-based discrimination in housing, employment, service delivery, political representation and education. A few participants, however, claimed that Black South Africans are also experiencing socioeconomic problems like Coloured South Africans. Racial discrimination theory and social exclusion theory are used as perspectives for the study. Based on the findings, I argue that the perceived experiences of racial discrimination of most of the participants of the study can be explained by three interrelated structural forces, namely legacies of historical racial exclusions, the neoliberal macro-economic order and government neglect.

A Formula to Save Us (From Ourselves): Continuity and Change in the Spanish Legal Domination System (1959–2024)

AbstractThis paper analyzes how a structure of Weberian rational domination has been built and consolidated in Spain since 1959, the year when the so‐called Economic Stabilization Plan was approved. This sort of economic constitution represents one of the most important foundations of a technocratic regime that survived the death of a dictator (General Francisco Franco), not only transcending the traditional differentiations between autocratic and democratic regimes but also offering a different perspective to the debate about the degree of continuity and rupture attained by the Spanish political transition in the 1970s. We analyze the institutions, leadership, most influential networks, political discourse, and historical myths through a theory of power and elites to examine the Spanish case. With this remarkable example of structural transformation and institutional resilience over decades, we also propose a more complex and multidimensional approach that could be fruitful to understanding some of the problems of political representation that current democracies are undergoing.

Beyond pseudonyms: Ethics and politics of ethnographic representation

Beyond pseudonyms: Ethics and politics of ethnographic representation

Are Women Commissioners More Compassionate Spenders? Evidence From Florida County Governments

While the number of women in government has increased, prior research on whether enhancing women's political representation alters policy choices has produced inconclusive findings. This study asks if higher women's participation in electoral institutions at the local level is associated with a different spending profile. Using Peterson’s typology of developmental, redistributive, and allocational government programs, we argue that legislative bodies with more female members will spend more on redistributive programs than on developmental or allocational. Using data from Florida's 67 counties between 2005 and 2015, our analysis supports this theoretical expectation. In line with critical mass theory, women's representation in county commissions must reach a threshold of about 33% to sway budgetary decision-making toward more extensive redistribution. We also find that the traditional commission form of government intensifies the redistributive effect of women commissioners on county spending while having a home rule charter has no significant effect.

Discourse of Foreign Digital Media: Analysis of the 2023 Turkish Presidential Election Coverage

This study examines the complex dynamics of communication in the changing field of journalism influenced by the use of media. It specifically focuses on how thoughts and perceptions are expressed in this evolving landscape. Information and communication technologies significantly influence journalism by rapidly disseminating news, updates, and societal impacts. Utilizing critical discourse analysis, the study aims to reveal systematic language usages and uncover latent meanings beyond news texts. Focused on the 2023 Turkish Presidential Election, news texts from four prominent international newslets Al Jazeera, BBC, CNN, and Euronews are analyzed. The comprehensive analysis of international media coverage investigates the interplay of linguistic and thematic choices in shaping narratives. With a dual focus on macro and micro levels of discourse, the study uncovers diverse approaches among foreign media outlets. Each outlet adopts a distinctive thematic approach at the macro level, emphasizing key figures and sociopolitical contexts. Al Jazeera spotlights competition, BBC underscores post-election polarization, CNN focuses on Erdogan's victory, and Euronews provides insights into national challenges. Visual elements, like photographs, contribute significantly to framing events, offering nuanced political messaging. Micro-level analysis explores linguistic choices, syntax, and rhetoric, emphasizing the active voice to underscore leaders' agency. Deliberate use of the passive voice in presenting election results maintains a neutral tone. The way sentences are structured and the cause-and-effect connections help readers understand political developments by providing context. The study underscores the importance of media literacy in decoding political event representations, emphasizing the multifaceted complexities of media discourse.

Interrogating regional territorial representation in post-democratic Spain

ABSTRACT In this article, we examine the function of territorial representation by national cabinet ministers in multi-ethnic democracies. In particular, we observe whether ministers from regions with a specific identity shape a distinctive sense of representation in the national executive, and whether this depends on how political parties and the party system articulate it. Borrowing from Pitkin’s four dimensions of political representation, we investigate the recruitment and role of ministers from the three distinct Spanish regions of the Basque Country, Catalonia and Galicia. This paper stresses that these ministers have played a distinctly territorial representative role in the national cabinet quite unlike that of ministers from other Spanish regions. Nevertheless, it is worth noting the poorest performance of Catalan ministers in relation to their Basque and Galician counterparts in terms of descriptive representation, levels of partisanship, survival rates and appointment to certain portfolios.

Heinemüller's Conception of Political Ideas in The Hamlet Machine - Inheritance and Comparison with Brecht

Heinemüller's original intention in creating The Hamlet Machine was to use Hamlet as a vehicle for political allusion to the socialist world of the late Cold War. He tried to create a variant of the Hamlet theme in a Communist country after Stalin’s death…Combined with the creator's own political leanings, it is clear that the seemingly chaotic plot logic of the work is wrapped up in the political metaphorical imagery of the violence and darkness characteristic of a brutal play, which is a reflection of both the external pioneering nature of the work and its internal political nature. In addition, the frequent traces of interstitial effects in the staging of this work, combined with some echoes of Heiner Müller's view of Brecht's political theatre, thus confirm Heiner Müller's critical inheritance of Brecht's plays.

Branded Social Campaign and the Politics of Representation

Introduction: The low awareness of clean living made a company, through one of its product brands, initiate a social program through a donation campaign to improve sanitation and poor quality of health in the province of East Nusa Tenggara (NTT— Nusa Tenggara Timur ), Indonesia. An advertisement was then aired frequently in national media to support the campaign. However, this advertisement was protested by the people who represent NTT citizens. Methodology: Employing Karatani's (2003) representation theory and Schiappa's (2008) concept of representational correctness with a discourse analysis approach, the research critically analyzes the politics and problems associated with Lifebuoy's social campaigns that sparked protests and denials from various NTT community groups. Results: This study found that the landscaping of the representation problems of the advertisement included the problems of 'speak about' and 'speak for.' Also, the power of prejudice or racial stereotypes of eastern Indonesian people was permanently attached to poverty and underdevelopment. Discussion: The protest(ers) representation was also problematic and political. There were numerous struggles of agenda and identity politics among protesters. Therefore, Lifebuoy's social campaign did not only serve as the object of protest but at the same time also criticized the protesters. Conclusions: This study contributes essential lessons for brands about the urgency of mapping and reading political voices in the field when a social program is launched and implemented so that various obstacles are well anticipated.